Background
They nearly didn?t make it
Last Friday, the Dutch Cabinet decided to send troops to Mali. A doctoral student from Leiden, working in Mali as an advisor for the UN peacekeeping mission, says: "There will be consequences for us if it’s a mess in Mali. Safetyin Europe begins here."
Vincent Bongers
Wednesday 6 November 2013
Situation in Mali in January

"The contrast is very harsh: only a month ago I was working on the last chapter of my dissertation in the university library in Leiden, surrounded by twenty-year-olds," recalls Martin van Vliet (34), speaking by telephone from a hotel in Bamako, Mali’s capital, "and now I’m here."

Besides being a PhD student at Leiden, Van Vliet is also on the staff of the UN peacekeeping mission in Mali and advisor to Bert Koenders, the former Minister of Development Cooperation, who is heading the mission. "My job is to maintain relations with politicians and other influential people in Malian society like religious leaders. I write reports and background analyses. It’s very hard work: we start at eight in the morning and don’t finish till eleven at night, seven days a week."

On Friday, the Cabinet decided to send troops, including Apache attack helicopters and commandos, to support this mission, which began on the 1st of July. Van Vliet does not want to comment on the desirability of the deployment of Dutch troops: "That’s up to the Dutch government and parliament to decide."

In March 2012, the Northern Mali fell into the hands of Muslim extremists and rebels. Mali was a French colony until 1960 and French troops have been fighting jihadis in that region since January. The Malian government has now arranged a provisional peace agreement with the rebels. Van Vliet continues: "We’re facilitating the process for long-lasting peace and since there’s been talk of possible Dutch military support, we’ve been even busier. Masses of reporters have turned up to speak to us."

Van Vliet is an expert on Mali and has visited the country often: "I know a lot about its history and its political relations, and very few others do. Initially, I was asked to supply some background reports, then I was asked to go to Mali. I really wanted to go, despite the fact that I got married only three months ago. My honeymoon’s been a bit lonely and I’ll be here for another eleven months yet."

The West regarded Mali as an exemplary democracy for a long time. "However, that image was built on sand. The country is poor and a large proportion of its inhabitants live in rural areas. Only thirty to forty per cent vote during elections and politicians with their own small power base made all the decisions."

Crime was rife, too: "The country became a cocaine trafficking hub: twenty per cent of cocaine consumed in Europe arrived via the Sahel. In fact, you could compare it Mexico, although the situation has improved slightly since then."

There were other problems: some of the Tuaregs, a Berber nomadic people living Northern Mali, demanded more autonomy – some even wanted independence – and tried to obtain it by violent means.

Van Vliet adds: "Last week I was in Timbuktu in Northern Mali and I saw some signs of hope. The schools finally re-opened ten days ago and it was good to see crowds of laughing children walking to school."

"But I also saw shops and buildings shot to ruins. The city’s inhabitants have been through more than their fair share of problems in recent years. Firstly, a group of rebel Tuaregs plundered the shops and raped the women. They were driven off by a group allied to Al Qaida: Al Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Muslims from Algeria, who enforced the Sharia. Women had to wear veils, smoking was prohibited. People weren’t allowed to listen to Malian pop music on their mobiles and harsh corporal punishments were imposed for offences."

In early 2013, the French chased them out and restored order, though the northern groups are still dangerous and violent raids occur frequently. Timbuktu is much safer and the city is starting to come to life, but there is still a risk of attacks."

Despite all their issues, the Malians are starting to recover. "But the country nearly didn’t make it; they’re not exactly cheerful and carefree but their resilience is unbelievable and it’s good to see it."

What will happen now? Van Vliet thinks that is important that the conflict doesn’t turn into an openly ethnic struggle: "A large majority of the Tuaregs do not support the rebels or the violence – I’ve noticed that religious leaders constantly stress that point. When I was in Timbuktu, I spoke to an imam who kept pressing the same point. It all boils down to how various groups divide up the water and land, but it will take a lot of organisation to do it properly."

Van Vliet points out that it is in everyone’s interest to make Mali safe. "It’s better for the West if the country and this region are more stable. There will be consequences for us if it’s a mess here.

"Safety in Europe begins here, not just because of all the refugees: criminals benefit from instability and if the Sahel region isn’t safe, the unrest will spread to North Africa. It’s in everybody’s interest to improve the situation in Mali and the international community has a part in that, particularly when it comes with respect to safety. Nonetheless, it’s up to the Malians themselves to find a peaceful solution for their nation."